This
is a follow-up blog to my last blog on Bret Weinstein and the anarchistic
nihilism of the violence and looting in his home city of Portland, Oregon. I want to elaborate more on the distinctions
between anarchistic nihilism and political and philosophical anarchism, or, in
other words, the crucial difference between anarchism and anarchy. Not that I’m particularly sympathetic to
either political or philosophical anarchism.
As socialist Hal Draper has pointed out, under anarchism it would be
like the Wild West, for there would be no intervening body such as a state to
protect the weak and defenseless from the bullying strong. For to have such would be to restrain the
“freedom” of the bully! Also, I read an
account of how anarchism would supposedly work in practice, through a series
of interlocking autonomous local communes—where the communes themselves, and
their mechanisms of cooperation among themselves would clearly resemble—state
mechanisms! Thus, to me, the state is a
tautology: it exists out of necessity,
it has needed functions to fulfill, it is there because needed regulation and
management, even repression of evil and malevolence, are called for under human
social arrangements; even purely local ones, as there simply is no automatic
“invisible hand” to spontaneously regulate, neither in the market, nor in other
vital social functions. When both Marx
and Bakunin wrote, in the 19th Century, one calling for the gradual
“withering away of the state,” i.e., gradual anarchism, while the latter wished
to abolish the state immediately, the modern welfare state was not only not in
existence, it was even unheard of. It
didn’t come about until the 1890s, after the deaths of both Marx and Bakunin,
and near the death of Engels (who died in 1895). In the 1890s, that wily conservative Otto von
Bismarck, as leader of a united Germany, passed the Anti-Socialist Laws, which
forbade the German Social-Democratic Party from propagandizing the socialist
cause, while, simultaneously, providing for workers’ compensation and
unemployment insurance—thus appeasing the working class. Prior to that, the state was neoliberal, if
not openly repressive, and carried out no welfare measures. So, it was thus impossible for either a Marx
or a Bakunin, or their followers, to envision a different kind of state, and
the states when then existed were hostile not only to the working class, but to
ordinary citizens as a whole; and viewed its function as a state in purely
negative terms—to restrain in the name of “freedom,” and to control from the
top-down.
As
a socialist I engaged in an anarchist-socialist dialogue through two book
reviews for the hard-copy socialist journal New Politics of two books from
anarchist publisher AK Press: the first,
from 2010, of Noam Chomsky’s Chomsky on Anarchism, Chomsky, Anarchism, and Socialism - New Politics, the second from 2013, of the
anthology The Accumulation of Freedom, Anarchist Economics and the Socialist-Anarchist Dialogue - New Politics. The Chomsky review is especially relevant
here, for Chomsky, a self-professed anarchist, is often derided by other
anarchists as a “reformist.” For
example, while he believes, rightly, that all authority should be questioned,
interrogated, he concludes that not all authority is bad; indeed, some is
necessary and beneficial. Similarly,
Chomsky holds that a major problem besetting the Third World is too little
government, state power and intervention—that too much authority and power
there is in private hands, is controlled by neoliberalism in the service of
neoliberal capitalist interests against the needs and wishes of the people. On these, we socialists and political and
philosophical anarchists can agree.
What
we can’t agree on is the nihilism engendered by anarchist acting out; it’s
descent into mere anarchy, not political anarchism in any meaningful or
constructive sense. While I can
certainly positively hold with anarchists on the need for individual autonomy,
even against the “popular masses,” and the generally beneficial achievement of
such anarchism in the arts, where the freewheeling artist creates compelling
freewheeling art, beyond that, as a socialist, there’s little in anarchism I
can accept; and when it comes to anarchy, there’s nothing I can accept. As a prime example of both, consider the Sex
Pistols’ song, “Anarchy in the U.K.” I
certainly can embrace the opening words of brazen statement in the song, “I am the
anti-Christ/I am an anarchist,” but cannot accept, embrace, the later statement
in the song, “I want to destroy.” For
the act of revolution, of successful social transformation, is constructive
more than it is destructive. As an
example, when we destroy the rotting, decrepit shed on the weed-strewn lawn, we
must also construct not only a new edifice on the property, but also cleanse it
of its weed-infested, unsightly nature, or else our work will become as
naught. Social change that lasts is
constructive, not merely destructive of the old order; and, as Bret Weinstein
pointed out, the destruction in rampant anarchy presently going on in Portland,
Oregon, is not revolution of a positive sense, but negative, nihilistic anarchy
which is only destructive, and alienating of the very people we need to reach.